The Lubukusu Syllable Structure in Optimality Theory

Abstract

The syllable has been a central linguistic construct in phonological theory ever since its ‘acceptance' by neo-generativists as an indispensable phonological unit in delimiting recurrent phonological processes cross-linguistically. It is considered a vital source of phonotactic statements and the building block of the prosodic hierarchy. However, not everything pertaining to its structure has been explained. In Generative phonology, its status was questioned while in Non-Linear phonology approaches, it was conceived merely as a hierarchical structure with little information on the preference of the CV structure and the sonorant sounds as syllabic consonants. The role of sonority has been questioned and upheld with the same measure of passion. In this paper, couched in Optimality Theory and based on Lubukusu language of Kenya, it is argued that the preference of the CV structure arises through constraint interaction in which markedness constraints that demand syllable well-formedness dominate faithfulness constraints. In addition, markedness constraints against onset clusters allows the CG (Consonant Glide) onset because it satisfies the sonority sequencing constraint; SSP. This constraint bans a sequence of two nasals in the onset and in concert with *NN/OCP, rules out such marked onset clusters. It is further argued that in an OT grammar, constraints are violable hence the restriction of consonants in heading syllables can be violated if the consonants are positively specified as [+sonorant].